Showing posts with label 1847. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1847. Show all posts

Friday, October 18, 2024

Early San Francisco Demographics


Early San Francisco Demographics

The article provides a detailed description of the town of San Francisco (Yerba Buena) in 1847, including information on its geography, population demographics, real estate market, occupations, and economic activities. It highlights the rapid growth and development of the town, as well as its potential to become a major commercial hub on the north Pacific coast. The article also discusses comparisons with other nearby locations and mentions the presence of two weekly newspapers in the town.

The article in question provides a fascinating snapshot of San Francisco's early development during the year 1847. It reflects not only on the geographical and demographic details of the burgeoning town but also on the socio-economic conditions of its inhabitants. As we delve into the text, it's essential to view it within the broader context of California's historical landscape, particularly during the period leading up to and following the Gold Rush, which commenced in 1848.

The author opens with a detailed geographical description, emphasizing San Francisco's advantageous location. "The town of San Francisco, (Yerba Buena,)" is noted as being "situated on the west side of the great Bay of the same name," which is crucial for understanding why the area would rapidly develop into a major commercial hub. This proximity to water, particularly its "best anchorage ground," highlights the town's strategic importance for trade and shipping, a theme that resonates throughout California's history as an emerging center of commerce.

The meticulous details concerning land sales and local property regulations indicate a nascent but determined effort to establish a structured community. The article outlines the "three different sizes" of lots created by Mr. Jasper O'Farrell, where "about four hundred and fifty" beach and water lots were sold, illustrating a burgeoning real estate market that was critical for attracting new settlers. The overall real estate activity reflects not only the land's value but also suggests a rapidly increasing population. The author mentions a staggering "one hundred per cent" increase in population, presumably driven by migration during a time of economic opportunity.

The socioeconomic profile of the population, laid out in tabular form, reveals a diverse mix. The article states, "three-fifths are from the United States," emphasizing the diverse origins of the inhabitants, which is a hallmark of American frontier towns of the era. This diverse demographic composition, including groups from Canada, Europe, and other parts of the Americas, was likely a contributing factor to the town's rapid development and cultural complexity.

Additionally, the author touches on the educational state of the town, revealing challenges in literacy: "The educational memoranda... show that the number who cannot read or write bears a very near relation to the number of inhabitants under ten years of age." This observation highlights a significant issue for the community as they strived for growth and stability amidst rapid population increases, particularly in a period with limited educational infrastructure.

The analysis of the local economy is particularly revealing as it outlines the occupations present in San Francisco. The breakdown of professions underscores a community built on diverse industrial activities, including a notable number of trades and skilled labor, such as carpentry, blacksmithing, and retail. The article notes, "Many of these structures are indeed but poor affairs, yet they constitute an important item when taken as an index of the enterprise and improvement," showcasing the residents' resourcefulness and determination despite limited means.

Lastly, the author positions San Francisco as the future "great commercial emporium of the north Pacific coast," clearly countering arguments that rival towns like Monterey or Santa Clara could outperform it. He posits, "San Francisco has a safer and more commodious harbor than Monterey," which not only reflects a clear vision for the town's future but also encapsulates the competitive spirit that characterized many burgeoning American municipalities of the time.

In conclusion, this article provides invaluable insights into early San Francisco, capturing its geographic, demographic, and economic contours. By examining the foundation laid by its residents during this transformative period, we gain a clearer view of how San Francisco evolved into a pivotal city in American history, particularly as California boomed following the discovery of gold. The author's optimism and detailed observations serve not only as a historical record but also as a testament to the grit and vision of the early pioneers who would shape the future of the western United States.

San Francisco in 1847: A Snapshot of Growth and Diversity

In just a few short decades, San Francisco transformed from a quaint settlement into a bustling metropolis, driven in large part by the Gold Rush—a pivotal moment that reshaped California’s historical landscape in the mid-19th century. The city’s journey, marked by the establishment of a strategic port and a vibrant influx of diverse populations, provides a profound lens through which we can explore modern urban dynamics. An enlightening article from the 1847 issue of *The Californian* newspaper sheds light on this remarkable transformation, capturing key aspects of San Francisco’s infrastructure, demographics, and economic pursuits.

Geographical Context: A Strategic Advantage

Nestled at the northern tip of a narrow peninsula, San Francisco—originally called Yerba Buena—boasted a strategic location flanked by the San Francisco Bay and the Pacific Ocean. This natural setting offered not only stunning views but also valuable protection and access to vital maritime trade routes. One striking description captures this essence: “From the water's edge, the land rises gradually for more than half a mile to the west... terminating in a range of hills of five hundred feet in height at the back of the town.”

Such geographical contours defined both the immediate economic capabilities of the area and the future of its urban planning. The “immense bluff” shaping the shoreline created optimal anchorage conditions, shielding vessels from the powerful winds that often characterize summer in the region. Consequently, this natural harbor positioned San Francisco as a thriving maritime hub, fueling rapid growth and solidifying its status as the commercial heart of the West Coast.

Urban Planning and Development: Foundations of the City

The article also provides a comprehensive overview of the town's urban planning—an essential factor in its enduring success. The plot of land surveyed by Mr. Jasper O'Farrell extended across approximately “one and a half square miles,” with streets designed to run perpendicular to the coastline. These early decisions regarding space allocation became the bedrock of San Francisco’s growth, resonating through its current challenges such as traffic and congestion.

Urban zoning was structured to accommodate a variety of lot designs, including beach lots and variably sized residential lots, each with specific regulations for payment and development. The article stipulates: “...the conditions of sale are, that the purchaser shall fence the lot and build a house upon it within one year from the day of purchase.” This early emphasis on civic responsibility among landowners echoes contemporary practices in urban development today.

As underscored by the sales data in the report, the delineation of these lots not only facilitated residential expansion but spurred commercial growth as well. In the initial years, the landscape was dotted with “shanties” and “frame buildings”—symbols of the sturdy yet rudimentary nature of frontier life.

 Demographic Composition: A Tapestry of Cultures

Among the most illuminating aspects of the article is its detailed breakdown of the population demographics. The community showcased a remarkable diversity most notably for its time. Of the 459 residents counted, approximately 70% were white (321 individuals), joined by significant representations of Native Americans, Sandwich Islanders, and free Africans.

This early multicultural mosaic hinted at the rich cultural legacy that would continue to shape San Francisco—a city renowned for its diversity. The article notes varying birthplaces, illustrating a broader narrative of migration and globalization, as many newcomers aspired to create better lives for themselves in this burgeoning landscape. “Not only is this true, but probably at least another fifth, including Scotch, Irish, and German emigrants, have reached this country after residing for a time in the United States,” it states, highlighting the diverse influences that would shape early Californian society.

Economic Landscape: The Spirit of Entrepreneurship

The economic activities described in the article vividly encapsulate the spirit of entrepreneurship that characterized this emerging settlement. The workforce was primarily composed of laborers and merchants, engaged in a myriad of occupations ranging from blacksmithing to agriculture. Bakers, carpenters, and merchants played pivotal roles in crafting a sustainable community, reflecting modern urban economies where small businesses are essential.

Moreover, the observations on capital investments in burgeoning industries and services underscore a thriving local economy poised for future growth. Notably, many early residents opted to invest not in agriculture or manufacturing, but in real estate, with “the most valuable property in the town” often being those beach lots that were periodically submerged at high tide. This speculative mindset surrounding property ownership would lay the groundwork for future urban development policies and housing challenges.

Education and Literacy: Laying the Groundwork for Growth

Another salient point raised by the article concerns education and literacy within the population. Out of 459 identified residents, only 273 could read and write, while 89 could not read or write at all. "It appears that the number who cannot read or write bears a very near relation to the number of inhabitants under ten years of age," it states, spotlighting a critical need for educational infrastructure—something the town lacked during this early developmental stage.

This acknowledgment of educational shortcomings highlights an enduring theme: the connection between literacy and economic opportunity, a vital issue still resonant in contemporary discussions around education reform and workforce preparedness. The persistent challenge of inadequate educational resources parallels many urban areas today, emphasizing the need for systemic improvements to benefit future generations.

 Societal Challenges: The Shadows of Progress

Even amidst this period of extraordinary growth, societal issues began to surface alongside the urbanization of San Francisco. The article references instances of exploitation among marginalized populations, particularly Native Americans and people of African descent. "Some of the Indians are considered by persons having them as their property,” it states, revealing a troubling reality of the era. Such early instances of servitude and exploitation reflect the complexities newcomers often brought from their own countries, casting a shadow over the city’s presumed opportunity for all.

As San Francisco expanded, these social inequities would persist, complicating the narrative of a city celebrated for its diversity and promise. The historical context provided by the article serves as a poignant reminder of the social challenges underpinning economic growth.

Conclusion: A Vision of Potential

Ultimately, the article concludes on an optimistic note regarding San Francisco’s future potential, asserting: “San Francisco is destined to become the great commercial emporium of the north Pacific coast.” This prophecy elevates the city’s unmatched harbor, robust communication links, and the resilient spirit of its populace while contrasting its advantages with other locations, such as Monterey, which lacked similar strategic resources.

This foresight encapsulates qualities that continue to define the city today: resilience, adaptability, and a keen sense of economic opportunity. By tracing historical threads through urban narratives, we find that early aspirations for San Francisco resonate in current conversations surrounding innovation, urban planning, and multiculturalism.

Reflecting on the fabric woven by San Francisco’s past, we cannot dismiss the significant legacies of its early challenges and triumphs. Embracing this history empowers contemporary residents and policymakers to glean vital insights into addressing the pressing issues defining urban living today—ranging from social equity to sustainable economic development.

Much like a phoenix, San Francisco has persistently reinvented itself. Understanding these roots not only illuminates how far the city has come but also informs the path forward, ensuring that the spirit of enterprise and opportunity remains as potent as ever.

Population Breakdown

(San Francisco, September 4th, 1847)

The population was categorized by race and age. The following table summarizes the number of inhabitants, with separate counts for white inhabitants, Indigenous people, Sandwich Islanders, and Negroes.

GroupMalesFemalesTotal
Whites
Under 5 years282351
5-10 years181432
10-15 years101424
15-20 years111122
20-25 years291544
25-30 years541973
30-40 years611980
40-50 years201030
50-60 years12315
60-70 years202
70-80 years202
Total Whites247128375
Indians26834
Sandwich Islanders39140
Negroes9110
Grand Total321138459

Observations on Population

  • The white population consists largely of younger individuals, with over four-fifths under 40 years old and more than half between 20 and 40.
  • The number of white males exceeds females significantly after the age of 20, with males outnumbering females nearly three to one.

Places of Birth for White Population

Below is a detailed breakdown of where the white inhabitants were born:

BirthplaceNumber
United States228
California38
England22
Germany27
Scotland14
Ireland14
France3
Other (various)29

Note: Of the individuals born in California, eight were children of emigrant parents.

Literacy Levels

The literacy rates of the population were as follows:

Literacy CategoryNumber
Can read and write273
Can read, but not write13
Cannot read or write89

The limited number of those who cannot read or write is largely due to the high number of children under ten years of age and the lack of educational infrastructure (only one teacher and no proper school building).

Occupations of White Males

The following is a summary of the various professions and occupations held by the white male population:

OccupationNumber
Carpenters26
Laborers20
Merchants11
Agriculturists11
Clerks13
Bakers7
Butchers7
Blacksmiths6
Printers6
Other57

White males were mainly involved in manual labor, craftsmanship, and business.

Indigenous, Sandwich Islanders, and Negro Population

  • Indigenous people, Sandwich Islanders, and Negroes made up almost one-fifth of the total population.
  • Many Indigenous people worked as servants, porters, or were involved in making sun-dried bricks (adobes).
  • The Sandwich Islanders often worked as boatmen and were instrumental in navigating the Bay.
  • A few individuals in these groups were literate, reflecting limited access to education.

Buildings and Infrastructure

As of April 1, 1847, San Francisco had 79 buildings:

  • Shanties: 22
  • Frame buildings: 31
  • Adobe buildings: 26

Since April, an additional 78 buildings have been built or are under construction, which includes 20 shanties, 47 frame buildings, and 11 adobe buildings.

Businesses and Shops

The businesses established in San Francisco included:

Type of BusinessNumber
Stores8
Groceries7
Bakeries3
Hotels2
Carpenter's shops2
Blacksmith shops2
Printing offices2
Other10


**Key Phrases:**

1. **'Gold Rush and Urban Transformation'** - For further reading on the impact of the Gold Rush on California and urban development, see the article on 'The Impact of the California Gold Rush' from [California State Library](https://www.library.ca.gov/Resources/Online/CaliforniaGoldRush/).

2. **'Geographical Context: A Strategic Advantage'** - To explore how geographical features influence urban planning, refer to the study on 'Geography and Urban Planning' from [American Planning Association](https://www.planning.org/publications/document/9233504/).

3. **'Urban Planning and Development'** - For more details on historical urban planning practices and their implications, check out 'The New Urbanism: Toward an Architecture of Community' from [The Urban Land Institute](https://www.uli.org/research-and-publications/research-reports/new-urbanism-toward-an-architecture-of-community/).

4. **'Demographic Composition: A Tapestry of Cultures'** - To understand the implications of demographic diversity in urban settings, refer to 'Cultural Diversity and Urban Planning' from [The World Bank](https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2018/12/24/cultural-diversity-in-urban-planning).

5. **'Economic Landscape: The Spirit of Entrepreneurship'** - For insights into entrepreneurship during urban growth periods, see 'The Role of Small Business in Urban Economies' from [Institute for Local Government](https://www.ca-ilg.org/post/role-small-businesses-urban-economies).

6. **'Education and Literacy: Laying the Groundwork for Growth'** - To study the connection between education and economic outcomes, refer to 'The Relationship between Education and Income' from [The National Center for Education Statistics](https://nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/indicator_cge.asp).

7. **'Societal Challenges: The Shadows of Progress'** - For research on historical and contemporary social challenges in urban areas, see the report 'Social Equity in Urban Planning' by [The Urban Institute](https://www.urban.org/research/publication/social-equity-and-urban-development).

8. **'Conclusion: A Vision of Potential'** - For discussions on the future outlook of urban centers like San Francisco, see 'Future Cities: Adaptation and Resilience in Urban Development' from [OECD](https://www.oecd.org/urban/futurecities.htm).

**Citation**: The Californian
- The statistics given below are, 1847-09-04
https://cdnc.ucr.edu/ University of California Riverside Digital Newspaper Archive


Original Article:


copied from the California Star of last week, with the exception of some additions and corrections by the author. The town of San Francisco, (Yerba Buena,) is situated on the west side of the great Bay of the same name, and on the northern point of the Peninsula which lies between the southern portion of the Bay and the Pacific Ocean. It is about four miles from the narrows or straits by which you enter the Bay from the sea. The immediate site of the present town is an indentation or cove in the western shore of the Bay, directly in front of which, and at the distance of about two miles, lies a large island called Yerba Buena Island. From the water's edge the land rises gradually for more than half a mile to the west, and southwest, until it terminates in a range of hills of five hundred feet in height at the back of the town. To the north of the town is an immense bluff, (or rather, three in one,) more than five hundred feet high, which comes down to the water's edge with precipitous sides of from twenty to one hundred feet in height. In front of this bluff is the best anchorage ground, the bottom being good and the high land protecting shipping from the full blast of the westerly winds which prevail so constantly during the summer season. Between this bluff and the hills above mentioned there is a small and nearly level valley which connects with a smaller cove about a mile nearer the ocean. The bluff forms the northwestern boundary of the cove, and the eastern boundary is another bluff called the Rincon, but of only about fifty feet in height. To the south and southwest of this last mentioned point, there is a succession of low sand hills covered with a dense growth of shrubby trees peculiar to the country. The town plot as recently laid out and surveyed by Mr. Jasper O'Farrell, fronts upon the cove, taking in the high bluff before mentioned and the Rincon, and extending about three-quarters of a mile from north to south, and two miles from east to west, thus embracing about one and a half square miles. From the water the streets run to the top of the range of hills in the rear of the town, and these streets are crossed at right angles by others running parallel to the water. The squares thus formed are divided into lots of three different sizes, viz: 1st. Beach and water lots. The lots comprised in this designation are those situated between high and low water mark. They are sixteen and a half varas* in width of front, and fifty varas deep. These lots were surveyed and offered for sale at public auction by order of Gen. Kearny when he was governor of the Territory. There are about four hundred and fifty of them, of which about two hundred were disposed of at the sale in July. They brought prices ranging from fifty dollars to six hundred dollars. One quarter of the purchase money was required to be paid at the time of sale, a second quarter in six months thereafter, a third quarter in six months more, and the fourth and last in six months more —the unpaid balance bearing ten per cent interest from the date of the sale. About four-fifths of these lots are entirely under water at flood tide, and will therefore require much improvement before they can yield a revenue to the holders; still, they are beyond question, the most valuable property in the town. 2d. Fifty vara lots. The principal part of the town is laid out in lots of this class. They are of fifty varas depth and front, and six of them make a square. There are now surveyed about seven hundred of this description, of which number four hundred, or perhaps four hundred and fifty, have been sold. These lots are sold at private sale by the Alcalde at a fixed price for each. The price established by law is $12 for the lot, to which is to be added the office fees for deed and recording, $3.62 1-2, making in all $15.62 1-2. The conditions of sale are, that the purchaser shall fence the lot and build a house upon it within one year from the day of purchase. If he fail to do this, the lot and improvements revert to the town. 3d. One hundred vara lots. The eastern portion of the town is laid out in lots one hundred varas square. This is the largest class, and embraces that part of the town plot which will probably be the last to be improved by purchasers. There are about one hundred and thirty lots of this size, and probably sixty of these are still unsold. These are also disposed of by the Alcalde at private sale, at $25 per lot. The cost of deed and recording is $3.62 1-2, making the whole cost of one of these lots $28.62 1-2. The conditions of sale are the same as for the fifty vara lots. The sales of both classes are only for cash at the time of purchase. The proceeds of the sales of all these lots go into the town treasury, to assist in defraying the necessary municipal expenses. Thus far they have been found more than sufficient for this purpose ; and these receipts will probably preclude the necessity for taxation for a short time to come. The streets in the oldest part of the town are only about sixty feet in width. Those in the more recent surveys are seventy-five and eighty, with one broad Avenue one hundred and ten feet wide. It is a source of regret that any street should have been less than eghty [eighty] feet in width. There was originally a municipal regulation under which the fifty and hundred vara lots were sold, which prohibited any man from purchasing more than one lot. Notwithstanding the object of this regulation was clearly manifest, some few speculators managed, by buying in other men's names, to get quite a number of lots each into their possession, with the avowed intention of holding them at such prices as would enable them to reap a fortune. Such proceedings are certainly detrimental to the interests of the community, however much they may advance individuals, and it is deeply to be regretted that the provisions of so wise and beneficent a regulation should thus be defeated. Since the greater portion of the centrally located lots in the plot have been sold, this regulation has been annulled by the Alcalde and town council. It is certainly a matter of doubt whether such a proceeding will have a beneficial tendency. In connection with the preceding remarks permit me to lay before your readers some statistics relative to the ——— *A vara is a Spanish yard; i. e. about 33 1-3 inches English measure. ———number and character of the population who compose the now village, but eventual city, of San Francisco. They were collected in the latter part of June, 1847, during short intervals of leisure from public duties, but from various and unavoidable causes their classification and publication has been delayed until the present time. The following Table shows the total number of inhabitants, the sex and age of the whites, and the sex of the Indians, Sandwich Islanders and Negroes, viz: [see table at bottom of article] || ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ Whites. ▫︎ | Males. | Females. | Total. || Under 5 y'rs. of age, ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ | 28 | 23 | 51 || Over 5 y'rs of age, & under 10, | 18 | 14 | 32 || ▫︎ " 10 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 15, | 10 | 14 | 24 || ▫︎ " 15 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 20, | 11 | 11 | 22 || ▫︎ " 20 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 25, | 29 | 15 | 44 || ▫︎ " 25 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 30, | 54 | 19 | 73 || ▫︎ " 30 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 40, | 61 | 19 | 80 || ▫︎ " 40 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 50, | 20 | 10 | 30 || ▫︎ " 50 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 60, | 12 | 3 | 15 || ▫︎ " 60 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 70, | 2 | ▫︎ ▫︎ | 2 || ▫︎ " 70 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 80, | 2 | ▫︎ ▫︎ | 2 || ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ Total whites, ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ | 247 | 128 | 375 || Indians, (of different ages,) ▫︎ | 26 | 8 | 34 || S. Islanders, (of different ages,) | 39 | 1 | 40 || Negroes, (of different ages,) ▫︎ | ▫︎ 9 | ▫︎ 1 | 10 || ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ Total, ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ | 321 | 138 | 459 || I have no very satisfactory means of judging of the increase of population within the year last past, but the facts I possess render it certain that the increase has been at least one hundred per cent. Of course, the whole of this increase was by emigration. To form a correct idea of the energy, enterprise and capability of the white inhabitants, the reader should not fail to note that thirteen-fifteenths, or more than four-fifths, of the white population are less than forty years of age, and more than one half are between the ages of twenty and forty. It will also be perceived by a glance at the table that the number of white males and females are nearly the same under the age of twenty, whilst above that age the males are nearly as three to one. To give a clearer view of the composition of the white population, the succeeding statement of the places of birth is given, viz: Born in Canada, 5 || Born in New Zeland 1 || " " California, 38 || " " Peru, 1 || " " other Mex'n dept's 2 || " " Poland, 1 || " " Chili, 2 || " " Russia, 1 || " " Denmark, 1 || " " S. Islands, 1 || " " England, 22 || " " Scotland, 14 || " " France, 3 || " " Sweden, 1 || " " Germany, 27 || " " Switzerland, 6 || " " Ireland, 14 || " " United States, 228 || " " Malta, 1 || " " West Indies, 1 || " " New Holland, 1 || " " at Sea, 4 || Of the number stated above as born in California, eight are children of emigrant parents. The others are Californians proper, and they, with two others born in other Departments of Mexico, (in all thirty-two,) constitute the entire Mexican population. Of the whole number, (a fact that will at once strike the reader,) three-fifths are from the United States. Not only is this true, but probably at least another fifth, including Scotch, Irish, and German emigrants, have reached this country after residing for a time in the United States. The educational memoranda which have been collected give these results, viz: No. who can read and write, 273 || No. who can read, but not write, 13 || No. who cannot read or write, 89 || From this it appears that the number who cannot read or write bears a very near relation to the number of inhabitants under ten years of age. A fact not to be wondered at when we reflect that there is but one school teacher in the place, and that the town has as yet failed to erect a building suitable for the purposes of education. The occupations or professions of the white males are as follows: Ministers, 1 || Gunsmiths, 2 || Doctors, 3 || Hotel keepers, 3 || Lawyers, 3 || Laborers, 20 || Surveyors, 2 || Masons, 4 || School Teachers, 1 || Merchants, 11 || Agriculturists, 11 || Miners, 1 || Bakers, 7 || Morocco case makers, 1 || Blacksmiths, 6 || Navigators, (inland,) 6 || Brewers, 1 || Navigators, (ocean,) 1 || Brickmakers, 6 || Painters, 1 || Butchers; 7 || Printers, 6 || Cabinet makers, 2 || Saddlers, 1 || Carpenters, 26 || Shoemakers, 4 || Cigar makers, 1 || Silversmiths, 1 || Clerks, 13 || Tailors, 4 || Coopers, 3 || Tanners, 2 || Gardeners, 1 || Watchmakers, 1 || Grocers, 5 || Weavers, 1 || The Indians, Sandwich Islanders, and Negroes, who compose nearly one-fifth of the whole population of the town, are mostly employed as servants and porters. Some of the Indians are very expert in the manufacture of sun dried bricks, (abobes) and in the erection of houses from them. The Sandwich Islanders are mostly employed as boatmen in navigating the Bay, and they are said to be very serviceable in the business. Some few of the Sandwich Islanders read, and two or three can both read and write their own language. Occasionally there will an Indian be found who had been learned during the existence of the Missions to read, but such instances are rare. They are, for the most part, an idle, intemperate race, laboring only to procure the means for gratifying their passion for rum and monte. Some of the Indians are considered by persons having them as their property, and I am told, though I have never known of such a case, that there have instances of the sale and transfer of them from one person to another. As there is no necessity for such institution as slavery in this country, and as most of the emigrants who come here, are educated to respect every human being's rights, there can be no doubt that such practices, if they ever did exist, will soon become obsolite. The few Negroes who reside here are from the United States, and are as intelligent as is usual among the free Negroes of the North. An attempt was made in collecting the foregoing information to ascertain the amount of capital invested in the various pursuits and occupations. The results obtained were so meagre that it is not deemed of importance to lay them before the public. The truth is, the most of the capital possessed by the great majority of the inhabitants has been employed in purchasing lots and improving them by the erection of fences and buildings. There is, though, a large amount of money employed in mercantile pursuits, and many small sums in other occupations. That the public may be enabled to form some conclusions on this subject, the following statement of the number of offices and places of business is submitted, viz: Apothecary shops, 1 || Gunsmith's shops, 1 || Bakeries, 3 || Hotels, 2 || Blacksmith shops, 2 || Mills, (horse power,) 1 || Butcher shops, 3 || Mills, (wind,) 1 || Cabinet maker's shops 1 || Printing Offices, 2 || Carpenter's shops, 2 || Shoemaker's shops, 1 || Cigar maker's shops, 1 || Stores, 8 || Cooper shops, 2 || Tailor shops, 2 || Groceries, 7 || Watchmaker's shops, 1 || Previous to the first of April, 1847, there had been erected in the town seventy-nine buildings. Nearly all of them were built within tho two years immediately previous to that date. Their description is as follows, viz: Shanties, 22 || Frame buildings, 31 || Adobe buildings, 26 || —— 79 || Since the first of April and up to the present date (August 31, 1847,) there have been built (or are in process of erection) seventy-eight buildings, as follows, viz: Shanties, 20 || Frame buildings, 47 || Adobe buildings, 11 || —— 78 || Many of these structures are indeed but poor affairs, yet they constitute an important item when taken as an index of the enterprise and improvement which the town exhibits. It appears by a comparison of the above two statements that there have been erected within the five months last past as many buildings as were erected in all the years previous to that date. There can be no better evidence of the rapid improvement of the place than this single fact; and I doubt if the annuls of any town can show the astounding increase of one hundred per cent in buildings in the short space of five months! In conclusion, I cannot suppress a desire to say that San Francisco is destined to become the great commercial emporium of the north Pacific coast. With the advantages of so fine a harbor, and the enterprise of so hardy and intelligent a race of pioneers, it can scarcely be otherwise. Notwithstanding these conclusions are so obvious, I have heard it asserted that Monterey is destined to outstrip it. That Monterey can never surpass San Francisco, I think the following view will clearly establish; 1. San Francisco has a safer and more commodious harbor than Monterey. 2. The waters of the Bay afford an easy method of communication and a facile means of transportation between the town and the hundred lateral valleys which surround the Bay, and which are destined soon to become granaries and hives of plenty. 3. It also has a ready means of communication by water with the rich and large valleys of the San Joaquin, the Sacramento, and the American Fork, as all of these rivers are tributaries to the Bay. So far as my information goes, Monterey, although it has a fine country at its back, has none of the facilities for reaching and transporting the products of that country which San Francisco possesses in regard to the country which surrounds it. This, it seems to me, allowing all other things to be equal, would give to San Francisco an insuperable advantage. But it is urged that there are situations upon this Bay which afford better advantages for the building of a great city than the site of San Francisco. Santa Clara, a place situated at the southern extremity of the Bay, and some sixty miles from the Ocean, is named as one of them. I cannot believe it necessary to enter into any serious argument to prove the falsity of such an idea. So far from Santa Clara becoming the rival of San Francisco, it will be one of its tributaries, and the beautiful and prolific valley in which it is situated will yield us annual tribute of the richest products of the earth. Great efforts are being made to establish a settlement at the straits of Carquinez, on the north side of the Bay, and some thirty miles from San Francisco. I have even heard it given out that that position will rival this town. I have no doubt, though I judge entirely from what I have heard said, that there will eventually be a town there of considerable size and importance; but the supposition that San Francisco will suffer from competition with Benicia City is absurd and preposterous. It is undoubtedly true, as contended, that ships of a large class can go up the Bay as far as that place, or even farther ; but that, of course, is no reason that they will go there. On the contrary, if the wants of commerce are supplied, (as they will be,) by San Francisco, within four or five miles of the Ocean, to what purpose should ships go thirty or sixty miles into the Bay? This article would be incomplete if I failed to mention the fact that there are two weekly newspapers printed in this place. They are called "The California Star," and "The Californian," and though of small size they are deserving of the support and confidence of the community. They are both printed in English with an occasional article and advertisement in Spanish. The "Star" was originally begun here, and has now reached its thirty-fourth number. The "Californian" was published at Monterey for more than thirty weeks, when it was discontinued and removed to this place. On its reappearance here it was enlarged and its typographical appearance much improved. It has now reached the fifteenth number of the second series, and has the honor of being the first paper ever published in California. The "Star" is published by Samuel Brannan, Esq., formerly a publisher of some note in the city of New-York. The "Californian" was first published by Robert Semple; Esq., but since its removal to this place it has been purchased, and is now published, by B. R. Buckelew, Esq. It is proper to remak [remark], to prevent misunderstanding, that the preceding census does not include the officers or soldiers of the detachment of the Seventh Regiment of New-York Volunteers stationed here. I intended to make some remarks relative to the climate and general health of the place, before closing this communication, but it has already reached so great a length that I will not trespass longer on the patience of printer or reader. Besides this, the facts which I possess, embrace only some five months, and are therefore so incomplete that correct and satisfactory conclusions can scarcely be drawn from them. E. G.

Wednesday, October 16, 2024

The Birth of Benicia


Thomas O. Larkin and Robert Semple have agreed to dedicate a tract of land for the establishment of a town called "Benicia." They have divided the building lots between themselves and agreed to donate land for public use and education. They also agree to share expenses for improvements and have set guidelines for any alterations to be made in the town. The agreement was signed in 1847 in San Francisco.

A Historic Agreement of Land and Legacy

The document titled "We the said Thomas O. Larkin" outlines an important agreement between two prominent figures of early California history, Thomas O. Larkin and Robert Semple, regarding the establishment of the town of Benicia in 1847. This agreement offers insights not only into the administrative and economic frameworks of developing urban centers in Northern California but also reflects the complex socio-political landscape of the period.

The first article explicitly describes the physical layout of the town: “the said tract or piece of land, a portion of which has been surveyed and laid off into squares of six hundred feet each way.” This confirmation of urban planning underscores the early efforts to create organized and sustainable communities in a region that was rapidly changing due to the influx of settlers and the growing promise of economic opportunities during the mid-19th century. The systematization of the land into streets and lots reveals the influence of contemporary urban design principles, much in line with the practices seen in Eastern United States towns.

Furthermore, the method of dividing lots between Larkin and Semple exhibits an early entrepreneurial spirit and foresight into real estate dynamics, as they stipulated that “all the building lots having an even number shall belong to Thomas O. Larkin” while the odd-numbered lots shall go to Robert Semple. This meticulous approach emphasizes the competitive yet collaborative nature of land speculation during California’s early statehood, as both men sought to harness the potential of this newly designated town for profit.

Another noteworthy feature of the agreement is the provision for public goods: “they likewise bind themselves…four squares of land…which squares shall be in different parts of the town…and shall be appropriated for public uses, such as, public squares, gardens, promenades, or town buildings.” This commitment to public amenities is significant as it reflects an early acknowledgment of the need for civic spaces in urban planning. The dedication of resources for public education is particularly crucial: “the said donation of lots are to be perpetually held for the sole benefit of public education in the said town or city.” This clause reveals a progressive attitude toward fostering community welfare, highlighting a contrast with the often individualistic ethos prevalent among landowners during this era.

Additionally, the agreement outlines shared financial responsibilities for future developments: “whatever expenses may hereafter occur in making further surveys or improvements…shall be borne equally by each contracting party,” indicating a mutual recognition of the risks and rewards associated with town development. The emphasis on mutual consent before incurring expenses illustrates a legal prudence indicative of the time's business practices, reflecting community collaboration essential for growth and sustainability.

In conclusion, the agreement between Thomas O. Larkin and Robert Semple is more than a simple contract; it is a document rich with implications about land ownership, urban development, and community responsibility in 19th-century California. The document encapsulates both the aspirations of a burgeoning urban center and the cooperative principles that were crucial at a time of rapid transformation. As such, it remains a vital piece of evidence in understanding the underpinnings of California's early cities and the economic relationships among its founders.

 The Birth of Benicia: A Historic Agreement of Land and Legacy

California’s rich tapestry of history is woven with stories of ambition, exploration, and transformation. Among these narratives is a seminal agreement dated June 29, 1847, between notable figures Thomas O. Larkin and Robert Semple, a moment that heralded the establishment of the town of Benicia. This agreement, detailed in the pages of *The Californian* and formalized with the endorsement of local magistrate George Hyde, stands as a testament to the early settlers' efforts to mold their environment into thriving communities. It outlines critical stipulations regarding land division, governance, and public commitments, showcasing not only the aspirations of its signatories but also the communal spirit essential to shaping a pivotal location in California's history.

As we delve into this agreement, we will unpack the legal jargon and examine the socio-political context of 19th-century California that fostered such significant arrangements. Each provision reflects the transactional and social dynamics of the era, contributing to Benicia's evolution and revealing how the past continues to influence contemporary California.


Contextualizing California in 1846-1848

The years 1846 to 1848 marked a period of monumental transition for California, a time characterized by rapid change amid colonization, the Mexican-American War, and the California Gold Rush. In 1846, California was still a part of Mexico, a province rooted in Spanish colonial heritage. However, the United States was fueled by the doctrine of Manifest Destiny, the belief that American settlers were destined to expand across North America.

This ambitious vision collided with Mexico's governance, leading to heightened tensions that culminated in war. The Mexican-American War concluded with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, which formally ceded California to the United States. This tumultuous political upheaval coincided with discoveries of gold in the Sierra Nevada Mountains, leading to a mass migration that radically transformed California’s demographics, economy, and society.

Amidst this chaotic backdrop, Larkin and Semple sought to stake their claims—not in gold, but in land. Their agreement not only reflects personal aspirations but also embodies the dreams of countless settlers who envisioned California as the “Golden State.”

The Agreement: A Blueprint for Benicia

Serving as both a legally binding contract and a vision for a burgeoning community, the agreement between Larkin and Semple invites us to explore its specifics, revealing a blueprint for the town of Benicia.

 Article 1: Establishment of Benicia

The first provision meticulously delineates the tract of land designated for the future town of Benicia, providing a blueprint that defines squares, lots, and streets. Notably, the name “Benicia” pays homage to Doña Benicia Vallejo, the wife of influential Mexican general Mariano Vallejo, grounding the area in a rich historical and cultural narrative.

This detailed planning showcases Larkin and Semple's ambition. They were not simply claiming land; they were laying the groundwork for a well-organized, urban environment. Their intention to design a town with defined squares and lots reflects a foresight that transcended the transient culture typically associated with the Gold Rush era, highlighting their commitment to crafting a sustainable community.

 Article 2: Division of Property

The second article outlines the fair division of lots between Larkin and Semple, using an even-odd numbering system that underscores both equality and collaborative effort. This method not only promotes fairness but also grants each party autonomy over their respective lots, allowing them the freedom "to sell, give, or convey in any manner he may see proper."

Such provisions highlight an acute awareness of property rights and mutual respect within collaborative efforts. Amidst a competitive and unpredictable landscape, this agreement empowered both men to pursue their interests independently, while minimizing potential disputes over property.

 Article 3: Dedication to Public Use and Education

The third article emphasizes a crucial commitment to the welfare of the community by mandating land donations for public use. By allocating four squares for parks and educational sites, Larkin and Semple reaffirmed a collective vision that transcended personal gain.

This dedication was particularly noteworthy, as public spaces foster community cohesion and encourage civic engagement. Furthermore, their commitment to education signified a forward-thinking perspective, illustrating their desire for a liveable community, rooted in shared values and public responsibility rather than solely in the pursuit of wealth.

 Article 4: Shared Responsibility for Improvements

Article 4 encapsulates the essence of cooperation, requiring mutual agreement before incurring costs for future surveys and improvements. This pragmatic approach laid the foundation for successful partnerships, safeguarding against unilateral decisions that could jeopardize their agreement.

Their foresight echoes modern governance practices, which encourage shared decision-making to enhance transparency and inclusivity in community development.

 Article 5: Protection of Property Rights

The final article safeguards the rights of the parties involved, even after the sale of lots to third parties. While Larkin and Semple retained certain rights to make changes within the town, such alterations necessitated majority consent from the new owners. This clause underscores the significance of community involvement and investment, resonating with contemporary notions of property rights and local governance.

By reinforcing the principle that communal interests should take precedence over individual choices, this article foreshadows current approaches to urban planning that prioritize resident voices in guiding development.

 Signatories and Witnesses

The presence of George Hyde, Chief Magistrate, along with the signatures of Larkin and Semple, lends legitimacy to the agreement. By securing official acknowledgment, they infused their partnership with institutional gravity, garnering credibility in the eyes of local authorities and potential investors alike.

 Legacy of the Agreement

Beyond being a simple contract, this agreement embodies determination and foresight that resonate throughout California’s history. The town of Benicia, directly born from Larkin and Semple’s collaboration, emerged as a vital point for trade, benefiting immensely from its strategic location along the Carquinez Strait.

Benicia flourished further as it was incorporated in 1850, evolving into a hub for public services and commerce. In 1855, it even served briefly as the state capital while Sacramento’s permanent seat was established. The roots of Benicia are interwoven with California's evolution, illustrating how early visions can influence a community’s trajectory.

The Contemporary Resonance of Historic Agreements

The agreement between Larkin and Semple carries implications that stretch far beyond its historical context. Issues surrounding land use, individual rights, community responsibilities, and sustainable planning are as relevant today as they were in the 19th century.

Key elements of the agreement align closely with modern practices in urban development:

1. **Holistic Urban Planning**: Today's city planners prioritize public spaces, often mandating parks, gardens, and educational facilities—principles reflected in Larkin and Semple's commitment to dedicate land for public use.

2. **Community Engagement**: Contemporary urban development underscores the necessity of involving community members in decision-making processes, ensuring their voices shape growth and change—a principle inherent in Article 5's focus on property alterations.

3. **Equitable Development**: Their agreement highlights a foundational understanding of property rights and fair growth, echoing today’s push for inclusive and equitable development.


 Conclusion

The historic agreement of June 29, 1847, forged by Thomas O. Larkin and Robert Semple, encapsulates the unique spirit of Californian determination. As they laid the groundwork for Benicia, they contributed to a legacy we collectively inhabit today. Their foresight established a community grounded in public investment and cooperative governance—principles that continue to shape our cities and towns.

As we confront the complexities of modern urban planning, revisiting such historical agreements offers invaluable lessons. Benicia's story, born from determination, vision, and mutual respect, serves as a poignant reminder of the power of collaboration in community building. It challenges us to consider how the ambitions of the past harmonize with our contemporary aspirations, creating spaces that reflect shared values while paving the way for future generations. As we reflect on such legacies, we must ask ourselves: How do we aspire to shape our communities today, and what commitments can we make for the future?

Key Phrases:

1. **'Historic Agreement'** - This refers to the foundational agreements between early settlers that shaped communities. For further reading on historic land agreements in California, see [California Historical Resources](https://ohp.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=21327).

2. **'Manifest Destiny'** - This was a widely held belief in the 19th century advocating for American territorial expansion. For an in-depth analysis of Manifest Destiny, refer to [The History Channel](https://www.history.com/topics/westward-expansion/manifest-destiny).

3. **'Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo'** - This treaty ended the Mexican-American War and ceded California to the U.S. For more about this treaty and its implications, check out [National Archives](https://www.archives.gov/exhibits/american_originals/guadalupe.html).

4. **'California Gold Rush'** - This event dramatically altered California's demographics and economy. For historical insights into the Gold Rush, visit [Smithsonian Magazine](https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/the-california-gold-rush-golden-legacy-180960220/).

5. **'Urban Planning'** - The principles of urban planning shaped by historical agreements still resonate today. For an understanding of modern urban planning practices, see [American Planning Association](https://www.planning.org/).

6. **'Community Engagement in Development'** - The importance of community involvement in urban development is paramount today. For further reading, see [The International Association for Public Participation](https://iap2.org).

7. **'Public Use and Education in Community Planning'** – The significance of public spaces in urban planning is discussed within recent frameworks. For insights, see [Project for Public Spaces](https://www.pps.org).

8. **'Property Rights'** - Understanding the evolution of property rights in America is crucial for legal and social context. For a comprehensive view, visit [National Conference of State Legislatures](https://www.ncsl.org/research/economic-development/property-rights.aspx).

9. **'Role of Local Governance'** - Local governance is essential for community decision-making processes. For more on local governance frameworks, see [National League of Cities](https://www.nlc.org/).

10. **'California's Historical Evolution'** - California's transformation throughout history offers lessons for current challenges. For context on California’s historical evolution, check out [California State Library](https://www.library.ca.gov/).

These phrases and sources provide a foundation for deeper exploration of the themes and historical contexts referenced in the text.

**Citation**: The Californian
- We the said Thomas O., 1847-07-24
https://cdnc.ucr.edu/ University of California Riverside Digital Newspaper Archive


Original Article:

Larkin and Robert Semple, therefore, hereby agree, covenant and bind ourselves to each other, our heirs, assigns, executors and administrators, now and for ever more in, the sum of twenty thousand dollars lawful money to the exact fulfilment of the following five articles of agreement. 1st.—The said tract or piece of land, a portion of which has been surveyed and laid off into squares of six hundred feet each way, containing sixteen building lots of one hundred arid fifty feet front by one hundred and twenty five feet deep, with streets between the squares eighty feet wide, those inside the squares sixty feet wide and the lanes or alleys crossing the squares twenty feet wide shall be dedicated for the purpose of establishing a town or city to be called "Benicia" the survey of which as now laid off shall continue to form the plan of said town or city. 2d.—It is mutually agreed and understood by the two contracting parties that the squares and building lots laid off on said land shall be numbered, and that all the building lots having an even number viz. two, four, six &c. shall belong to Thomas O. Larkin as his part of said lots, and all those having an odd number viz. one, three, five &c. shall belong to Robert Semple as his part of the same ; in like manner shall also the lots for wharves be divided and all priveledges on or belonging to the said land or in any way appertaining to the same shall equally belong to said Thomas O. Larkin and R. Semple and shall be respectively divided between the two said parties. It is likewise agreed and understood that each of the contracting parties shall hold his respective portion of the property free from all right, claim control, or interference of the other party and will be allowed to sell, give, or convey in any manner he may see proper, one or more of his lots in said town, or any right he may have acquired thereto by the original deed of Don Mariano G. Vallejo before mentioned, to any person or persons whatever without the consent or signature of the other party and in virtue of this Instrument whatever deed or title may be given by either of the two parties of any part of his portion of said property to a third parly shall be held valid and binding to all intents and purposes. 3rd.—Said Thomas O. Larkin and Robert Semple, do hereby bind themselves their heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns, to give, bequeath, and donate to the said town or city of Benecia four squares of land, two of said squares to be given by each contracting party ; and said squares shall contain at least six hundred feet each way, which squares shall be in different parts of the town, and shall be appropriated for public uses, such as, public squares, gardens, promenades, or town buildings. They likewise bind themselves to give each of them one lot of land not less than one hundred and fifty feet by one hundred and twenty five feet for the use and benefit of the ferry or ferries which may be established ; according to the second article of the deed of the said Don Mariano G. Vallejo to said Thomas O. Larkin and Robert Semple. And furthermore they also agree to give for the use of said town or city each of them four building lots of at least one hundred and fifty feet by one hundred and twenty five feet out of every hundred lots that may belong to them, that is to say four per cent of all the lots that may be within the boundaries of the town ; it being understood that the said donation of lots are to be perpetually held for the sole benefit of public education in the said town or city. 4th.—It is further agreed that whatever expences may hereafter occur in making further surveys or improvements within the boundaries of said tract or piece of land, shall be borne equally by each contracting party but with the understanding that no expense binding both parties shall be incurred without the mutual consent of both said contracting parties. 5th.—After the sale or conveyance of any of the lots in the said town shall have been made to other persons no alterations shall take place within the same by order of said Thomas O. Larkin and Robert Semple that may affect the rights of said persons without the consent of a majority of the parties interested ; but said Larkin and Semple still reserve to themselves the right and power to make what alterations they see fit in the size or plan of house lots, streets or alleys that have not yet been surveyed or laid off ; or any other alterations provided said alterations do not affect the general interests and benefit of the whole town. In witness whereof we the said Thomas O. Larkin and Robert Semple, have this twenty-ninth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven in the town of San Francisco, California, put our names and seals before George Hyde, Chief Magistrate of said town in the presence of the two subscribing witnesses. THOMAS O. LARKIN. R. SEMPLE. FRANK WARD. JASPER O'FARRELL. Personally came before me, the above-named Thomas O. Larkin, and Robert Semple, and acknowledged their signatures, to the above instrument, for the purposes set forth therein. Done this 30th day of June, 1847. GEORGE HYDE, 1st Alcalde. Recorded in Book A, page 153, 154, and 155. J. C. BUCHANAN, Municipal Clerk. District of San Francisco. ——————

 

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