Understanding Economic Governance: An Examination of "Proyecto para Quitar el Robo"

 

An Examination of "Proyecto para Quitar el Robo"

The article discusses the formation of a registry in Monterey to categorize residents by their possessions, occupation, and ability to support themselves. A jury will meet weekly to assess individuals' ability to provide for themselves, and those deemed unable will be required to find employment or face government-imposed labor as punishment.

The article titled "PROYECTO PARA QUITAR EL ROBO" presents a reform proposal in a historical context that reflects the social and economic challenges faced during its time. Though the specific date is not provided in the content excerpt, the language and structure suggest it originates from a period of transitional governance in the Spanish-speaking Americas, likely correlating with the colonial or early independence eras when social order and economic management were pressing concerns.


1. **Formation of a Census:** The article begins with a clear intent to create a census, or "padron," of the inhabitants of the Monterey jurisdiction. This census aims to document the heads of households, their ages, family members, land ownership, and other economic indicators. The intent to record "los cabezas de casa, nombres, edades, y familia" reflects a growing awareness of the need to organize and manage the population for sociopolitical and economic governance.

2. **Judicial Oversight:** The proposal includes weekly meetings of a jury to assess and classify individuals based on their economic status and ability to support themselves. The phrase "un jurado para que estecalifique las personas que por sus bienes ó su industria puedan buscar su manutencion" implies a system of oversight and social classification that can be interpreted as an early attempt to impose order within a potentially chaotic societal structure. This might reflect anxieties about poverty and crime, which often plagued burgeoning jurisdictions during transitional periods.

3. **Work Obligations:** The harsh measures proposed for individuals not able to sustain themselves are worth highlighting. The article states that those who do not comply with the qualifications would be compelled to serve a master or face imprisonment for being "vagos" (vagrants). This point reveals significant societal tensions about poverty and the responsibility of the state, echoing prevalent attitudes that viewed poverty as a personal failing rather than a systemic issue. The phrase “exigera por la autonidad buscar a quien servir” emphasizes the government's role in enforcing labor and potentially foreshadows policies that would echo in later labor laws and social welfare systems.

Historical Context:
This proposal likely arises from a time when colonial administrations faced increasing challenges in governance as economic systems shifted, and societal structures evolved. The mechanisms of control, such as taxation, labor registration, and population management through censors, were crucial for managing resources and maintaining public order.

In parallel, this article aligns with broader trends seen in 18th and 19th-century legislation in colonial and developing nations where authorities attempted to address the emerging issues of poverty and vagrancy amidst economic fluctuations. These mechanisms laid the groundwork for future social policies as societies sought to balance economic survival with social stability.

Overall, this piece highlights the interplay of economic hardship, social responsibility, and institutional authority, encapsulating a critical moment in the socio-political landscape of Monterey's jurisdiction, indicative of wider developments throughout Latin America's historical landscape during times of change.

Understanding Economic Governance: An Examination of "Proyecto para Quitar el Robo"

In the realm of historical journalism, few publications resonate as deeply as *The Californian*, particularly during the transformative years between 1846 and 1848. This period, marked by the tumultuous approach of the Gold Rush and significant shifts in governance, provides an intriguing backdrop for understanding how society grappled with change and the challenges that accompanied it. One article, "Proyecto para Quitar el Robo," stands out as a compelling reflection of its time, outlining a proposed plan to regulate the population and address concerns surrounding vagabondage and labor within Monterey’s jurisdiction.

The Historical Context of Monterey: A Backdrop for Transformation

In the mid-19th century, Monterey emerged as an epicenter of political, economic, and social upheaval. Following the Mexican-American War, the city transitioned from Mexican to U.S. governance in 1846, ushering in dramatic changes in administration, culture, and economic opportunities. The Gold Rush of 1849 would further alter the landscape, drawing waves of immigrants and fortune seekers. This influx sparked both competition and conflict, as resources became increasingly scarce and social structures evolved alongside rapidly shifting demographics.

Amidst such volatility, the economic landscape demanded a new urgency for regulation. The proposal at the heart of "Proyecto para Quitar el Robo" underscores this urgency as it seeks to impose order upon a chaotic environment. As people’s lives faced upheaval from the allure of gold, the government confronted the challenge of transitioning from rudimentary systems to more organized structures capable of accommodating an expanding population.

A Closer Look at the Proyecto

The article outlines a three-part plan aimed at creating a registry system to categorize individuals within a designated jurisdiction. Let’s delve into the plan's key components:

**1. Creation of a Registry**

The first element of the proposal emphasizes establishing a comprehensive registry, or "padrón," of all heads of households in Monterey's jurisdiction. This document aimed to capture personal details, household composition, land ownership, and goods—providing a nuanced understanding of the community's workforce and socioeconomic status. The implications of the registry are multifaceted:

- **Social Order:** By tracking heads of households, authorities sought to clarify population dynamics, emphasizing family structures' foundational role in societal organization.

- **Wealth Distribution:** Documenting land and assets allowed for a deeper insight into Monterey's economic landscape, which could inform future taxation or economic policies—an urgent need due to the wealth influx and potential disparities.

- **Identifying Vulnerability:** The registry served as a tool for recognizing vulnerable populations, those without property or formal employment, who might be particularly susceptible to vagabondage and poverty.

**2. Weekly Jury Qualification**

The proposal moves forward with the idea of establishing a weekly jury tasked with qualifying individuals based on their economic means—be it property, skills, or trade. This juried qualification reflects an early attempt at labor assessment during a time when communities were wrestling with their new dynamics. The jury, likely composed of local authorities or community leaders, would evaluate residents’ economic viability, indicating a move toward systematizing workforce deployment. Such measures reveal a concern for legitimizing the labor force in economically turbulent times.

As mentioned in the article, “a los individuos que queden calificados no poder subsistir de la manera que hoy lo hacen,” signifying a call for individuals who could not support themselves to find employment under scrutiny from a newly established governance structure.

**3. Mandating Employment through Authority**

The final component of the proposal mandates that individuals deemed unable to support themselves either find employment or face the prospect of laboring for the government. This authoritative directive highlights broader societal attitudes toward work ethic and productivity during this transformative age.

The implications of this mandate are significant, painting a harsh picture of societal views on labor. It suggests little compassion for those facing dire circumstances; labor and economic output were closely tied to personal worth. Those who could not secure employment or demonstrate a source of income were often labeled as "vagos," carrying connotations of moral failing rather than critiques of the societal framework.

Economic Action vs. Social Compassion

"Proyecto para Quitar el Robo" encapsulates a broader tension between economic governance and humanitarian impulses within society. While the government sought to establish order, formalize economic relationships, and regulate vagabondage, the shifting demographics and hardships faced by various populations cannot be overlooked.

The core of the proposal reveals 19th-century anxieties regarding poverty and work ethic, highlighting society's struggle with individual responsibility amid definitions of social welfare. Historically, responses to poverty often leaned toward control rather than support, reflecting enduring attitudes evident even today.

In our contemporary context, ongoing debates surrounding social safety nets, minimum wage laws, and unemployment support echo these past discussions. The struggles of vulnerable populations often trigger coercive governmental measures rather than compassionate solutions. This cyclical nature of history serves as a reminder of how our frameworks persistently grapple with the same issues, cast in different contexts and terminology.

The Lasting Legacy of Governance Proposals

The insights captured in "Proyecto para Quitar el Robo" can be viewed as precursors to modern labor laws and social policies governing economic behavior and public welfare. Although the methodologies and sentiments have evolved, the fundamental themes of labor, worth, and social governance remain active topics in today’s discourse.

History subtly reminds us of the values we adopt as societal frameworks inevitably shift. The measures aimed at imposing social order in 1840s Monterey underscore an ongoing struggle between individual autonomy and collective responsibility—a dichotomy that remains pressing as modernization continuously raises critical questions about economic disparity, individual rights, and social welfare.

Conclusion: Reflecting on the Past to Shape the Future

Examining "Proyecto para Quitar el Robo" unveils the complexities of 19th-century socioeconomic reform and its unintended repercussions. This analysis deepens our understanding of governance, societal norms, and the economic imperatives that have shaped contemporary civilization.

As we reflect on these historical lessons, we recognize the roots of current policies and debates—echoes of enduring themes surrounding order, labor, and the balance between compassion and enforcement. This dialogue continues to evolve, reminding us that the past informs our present. It offers vital insights that could guide future actions toward crafting humane governance structures that address economic disparity while fostering a society built on compassion and dignity.

Ultimately, exploring this historical text allows us to grasp not only the nuances of past policies but also how they resonate within today's world. It underscores the importance of approaching economic governance with empathy, acknowledging that the socioeconomic struggles we witness are often interconnected, albeit veiled in different contexts through the ages. The challenge lies not merely in remembering our past but in actively learning from it—to cultivate a society that harmonizes individual responsibility with collective welfare, infused with compassion and dignity for all.

Key Phrases:

1. **Historical Journalism and Governance During the Gold Rush**
For further reading on the impact of historical journalism during transformative periods, see [The Role of Journalism in Political Change](https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/journaofcinema.16.1.0037).

2. **Cholera and Public Health in the 19th Century**
For insights into the public health responses to cholera outbreaks, refer to the [CDC’s Historical Public Health Timeline](https://www.cdc.gov/nchhstp/healthdisparities/trends/cholera.html).

3. **Mexican-American War and Social Change**
For an overview of the Mexican-American War and its consequences on society, check out [PBS: The Mexican-American War](https://www.pbs.org/kera/usmexicanwar/).

4. **Economic Regulation Post-Gold Rush**
For a deeper dive into economic regulation during the Gold Rush era, see [California Gold Rush: Economic Impacts](https://www.history.com/topics/westward-expansion/gold-rush).

5. **Socioeconomic Structures in 19th-Century Monterey**
Read more about the socioeconomic changes in Monterey during this period at [Historically Monterey: 1840s](https://montereyhistory.org/).

6. **Labor Systems and Governance in 19th Century California**
For research on labor systems and economic governance practices, view [The Evolution of Labor Laws in California](https://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/facpubs/417).

7. **Vagabondage as a Social Issue**
For scholarly articles on the concept of vagabondage and its historical implications, see [Social Marginality and the Concept of the Vagabond](https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/journaofcinema.20.1.0037).

8. **The Concept of Social Order in Economic Terms**
Explore the role of social order in economic theory at [The Relationship Between Social Order and Economic Systems](https://www.americascience.org/).

9. **Employment Mandates in Historical Context**
For a broader understanding of employment mandates and their evolution, see [A Brief History of Employment Law](https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/employment_law).

10. **Historical Perspectives on Poverty and Social Welfare**
To learn about the historical perspectives on poverty and social welfare mechanisms, see [Poverty in America: A Historical Perspective](https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2020/10/29/poverty-in-america-a-historical-perspective/).

These key phrases and sources will aid in deepening your understanding of the various dimensions raised in the text regarding economic governance, societal transformations, and historical contexts.

**Citation**: The Californian,

- PROYECTO PARA QUITAR EL ROBO.—1st., 1846-10-03
https://cdnc.ucr.edu/ University of California Riverside Digital Newspaper Archive

Original Article:

Se formara un padron de toda la jurisdiccion de Monterey divida en casillas en las que espliguen los cabezas de casa, nombres, edades, y familia que tengan que mantener, el terreno que posean, casa y numero de bienes en el campo, y los que no tengan bienes el oficio ó industria, de que subsisten. 2. Despues de hecho el padron se reunira un dia todas las semanas un jurado para que estecalifique las personas que por sus bienes ó su industria puedan buscar su manutencion con hourados. 3. A los individuous que queden calificados no poder subsistir de la manera que hoy lo hacen se les exigera por la autonidad buscar a quien servir presentando en el termino de un mes un documente de su amo, y de no cumplir, ponerlos a trabajar por el gobierno en prison como vagos. UN PAISANO.

Early San Francisco Demographics

The article provides a detailed description of the town of San Francisco (Yerba Buena) in 1847, including information on its geography, population demographics, real estate market, occupations, and economic activities. It highlights the rapid growth and development of the town, as well as its potential to become a major commercial hub on the north Pacific coast. The article also discusses comparisons with other nearby locations and mentions the presence of two weekly newspapers in the town.

The article in question provides a fascinating snapshot of San Francisco's early development during the year 1847. It reflects not only on the geographical and demographic details of the burgeoning town but also on the socio-economic conditions of its inhabitants. As we delve into the text, it's essential to view it within the broader context of California's historical landscape, particularly during the period leading up to and following the Gold Rush, which commenced in 1848.

The author opens with a detailed geographical description, emphasizing San Francisco's advantageous location. "The town of San Francisco, (Yerba Buena,)" is noted as being "situated on the west side of the great Bay of the same name," which is crucial for understanding why the area would rapidly develop into a major commercial hub. This proximity to water, particularly its "best anchorage ground," highlights the town's strategic importance for trade and shipping, a theme that resonates throughout California's history as an emerging center of commerce.

The meticulous details concerning land sales and local property regulations indicate a nascent but determined effort to establish a structured community. The article outlines the "three different sizes" of lots created by Mr. Jasper O'Farrell, where "about four hundred and fifty" beach and water lots were sold, illustrating a burgeoning real estate market that was critical for attracting new settlers. The overall real estate activity reflects not only the land's value but also suggests a rapidly increasing population. The author mentions a staggering "one hundred per cent" increase in population, presumably driven by migration during a time of economic opportunity.

The socioeconomic profile of the population, laid out in tabular form, reveals a diverse mix. The article states, "three-fifths are from the United States," emphasizing the diverse origins of the inhabitants, which is a hallmark of American frontier towns of the era. This diverse demographic composition, including groups from Canada, Europe, and other parts of the Americas, was likely a contributing factor to the town's rapid development and cultural complexity.

Additionally, the author touches on the educational state of the town, revealing challenges in literacy: "The educational memoranda... show that the number who cannot read or write bears a very near relation to the number of inhabitants under ten years of age." This observation highlights a significant issue for the community as they strived for growth and stability amidst rapid population increases, particularly in a period with limited educational infrastructure.

The analysis of the local economy is particularly revealing as it outlines the occupations present in San Francisco. The breakdown of professions underscores a community built on diverse industrial activities, including a notable number of trades and skilled labor, such as carpentry, blacksmithing, and retail. The article notes, "Many of these structures are indeed but poor affairs, yet they constitute an important item when taken as an index of the enterprise and improvement," showcasing the residents' resourcefulness and determination despite limited means.

Lastly, the author positions San Francisco as the future "great commercial emporium of the north Pacific coast," clearly countering arguments that rival towns like Monterey or Santa Clara could outperform it. He posits, "San Francisco has a safer and more commodious harbor than Monterey," which not only reflects a clear vision for the town's future but also encapsulates the competitive spirit that characterized many burgeoning American municipalities of the time.

In conclusion, this article provides invaluable insights into early San Francisco, capturing its geographic, demographic, and economic contours. By examining the foundation laid by its residents during this transformative period, we gain a clearer view of how San Francisco evolved into a pivotal city in American history, particularly as California boomed following the discovery of gold. The author's optimism and detailed observations serve not only as a historical record but also as a testament to the grit and vision of the early pioneers who would shape the future of the western United States.

San Francisco in 1847: A Snapshot of Growth and Diversity

In just a few short decades, San Francisco transformed from a quaint settlement into a bustling metropolis, driven in large part by the Gold Rush—a pivotal moment that reshaped California’s historical landscape in the mid-19th century. The city’s journey, marked by the establishment of a strategic port and a vibrant influx of diverse populations, provides a profound lens through which we can explore modern urban dynamics. An enlightening article from the 1847 issue of *The Californian* newspaper sheds light on this remarkable transformation, capturing key aspects of San Francisco’s infrastructure, demographics, and economic pursuits.

Geographical Context: A Strategic Advantage

Nestled at the northern tip of a narrow peninsula, San Francisco—originally called Yerba Buena—boasted a strategic location flanked by the San Francisco Bay and the Pacific Ocean. This natural setting offered not only stunning views but also valuable protection and access to vital maritime trade routes. One striking description captures this essence: “From the water's edge, the land rises gradually for more than half a mile to the west... terminating in a range of hills of five hundred feet in height at the back of the town.”

Such geographical contours defined both the immediate economic capabilities of the area and the future of its urban planning. The “immense bluff” shaping the shoreline created optimal anchorage conditions, shielding vessels from the powerful winds that often characterize summer in the region. Consequently, this natural harbor positioned San Francisco as a thriving maritime hub, fueling rapid growth and solidifying its status as the commercial heart of the West Coast.

Urban Planning and Development: Foundations of the City

The article also provides a comprehensive overview of the town's urban planning—an essential factor in its enduring success. The plot of land surveyed by Mr. Jasper O'Farrell extended across approximately “one and a half square miles,” with streets designed to run perpendicular to the coastline. These early decisions regarding space allocation became the bedrock of San Francisco’s growth, resonating through its current challenges such as traffic and congestion.

Urban zoning was structured to accommodate a variety of lot designs, including beach lots and variably sized residential lots, each with specific regulations for payment and development. The article stipulates: “...the conditions of sale are, that the purchaser shall fence the lot and build a house upon it within one year from the day of purchase.” This early emphasis on civic responsibility among landowners echoes contemporary practices in urban development today.

As underscored by the sales data in the report, the delineation of these lots not only facilitated residential expansion but spurred commercial growth as well. In the initial years, the landscape was dotted with “shanties” and “frame buildings”—symbols of the sturdy yet rudimentary nature of frontier life.

 Demographic Composition: A Tapestry of Cultures

Among the most illuminating aspects of the article is its detailed breakdown of the population demographics. The community showcased a remarkable diversity most notably for its time. Of the 459 residents counted, approximately 70% were white (321 individuals), joined by significant representations of Native Americans, Sandwich Islanders, and free Africans.

This early multicultural mosaic hinted at the rich cultural legacy that would continue to shape San Francisco—a city renowned for its diversity. The article notes varying birthplaces, illustrating a broader narrative of migration and globalization, as many newcomers aspired to create better lives for themselves in this burgeoning landscape. “Not only is this true, but probably at least another fifth, including Scotch, Irish, and German emigrants, have reached this country after residing for a time in the United States,” it states, highlighting the diverse influences that would shape early Californian society.

Economic Landscape: The Spirit of Entrepreneurship

The economic activities described in the article vividly encapsulate the spirit of entrepreneurship that characterized this emerging settlement. The workforce was primarily composed of laborers and merchants, engaged in a myriad of occupations ranging from blacksmithing to agriculture. Bakers, carpenters, and merchants played pivotal roles in crafting a sustainable community, reflecting modern urban economies where small businesses are essential.

Moreover, the observations on capital investments in burgeoning industries and services underscore a thriving local economy poised for future growth. Notably, many early residents opted to invest not in agriculture or manufacturing, but in real estate, with “the most valuable property in the town” often being those beach lots that were periodically submerged at high tide. This speculative mindset surrounding property ownership would lay the groundwork for future urban development policies and housing challenges.

Education and Literacy: Laying the Groundwork for Growth

Another salient point raised by the article concerns education and literacy within the population. Out of 459 identified residents, only 273 could read and write, while 89 could not read or write at all. "It appears that the number who cannot read or write bears a very near relation to the number of inhabitants under ten years of age," it states, spotlighting a critical need for educational infrastructure—something the town lacked during this early developmental stage.

This acknowledgment of educational shortcomings highlights an enduring theme: the connection between literacy and economic opportunity, a vital issue still resonant in contemporary discussions around education reform and workforce preparedness. The persistent challenge of inadequate educational resources parallels many urban areas today, emphasizing the need for systemic improvements to benefit future generations.

 Societal Challenges: The Shadows of Progress

Even amidst this period of extraordinary growth, societal issues began to surface alongside the urbanization of San Francisco. The article references instances of exploitation among marginalized populations, particularly Native Americans and people of African descent. "Some of the Indians are considered by persons having them as their property,” it states, revealing a troubling reality of the era. Such early instances of servitude and exploitation reflect the complexities newcomers often brought from their own countries, casting a shadow over the city’s presumed opportunity for all.

As San Francisco expanded, these social inequities would persist, complicating the narrative of a city celebrated for its diversity and promise. The historical context provided by the article serves as a poignant reminder of the social challenges underpinning economic growth.

Conclusion: A Vision of Potential

Ultimately, the article concludes on an optimistic note regarding San Francisco’s future potential, asserting: “San Francisco is destined to become the great commercial emporium of the north Pacific coast.” This prophecy elevates the city’s unmatched harbor, robust communication links, and the resilient spirit of its populace while contrasting its advantages with other locations, such as Monterey, which lacked similar strategic resources.

This foresight encapsulates qualities that continue to define the city today: resilience, adaptability, and a keen sense of economic opportunity. By tracing historical threads through urban narratives, we find that early aspirations for San Francisco resonate in current conversations surrounding innovation, urban planning, and multiculturalism.

Reflecting on the fabric woven by San Francisco’s past, we cannot dismiss the significant legacies of its early challenges and triumphs. Embracing this history empowers contemporary residents and policymakers to glean vital insights into addressing the pressing issues defining urban living today—ranging from social equity to sustainable economic development.

Much like a phoenix, San Francisco has persistently reinvented itself. Understanding these roots not only illuminates how far the city has come but also informs the path forward, ensuring that the spirit of enterprise and opportunity remains as potent as ever.

Population Breakdown

(San Francisco, September 4th, 1847)

The population was categorized by race and age. The following table summarizes the number of inhabitants, with separate counts for white inhabitants, Indigenous people, Sandwich Islanders, and Negroes.

Group	Males	Females	Total
Whites
Under 5 years	28	23	51
5-10 years	18	14	32
10-15 years	10	14	24
15-20 years	11	11	22
20-25 years	29	15	44
25-30 years	54	19	73
30-40 years	61	19	80
40-50 years	20	10	30
50-60 years	12	3	15
60-70 years	2	0	2
70-80 years	2	0	2
Total Whites	247	128	375
Indians	26	8	34
Sandwich Islanders	39	1	40
Negroes	9	1	10
Grand Total	321	138	459

Observations on Population

• The white population consists largely of younger individuals, with over four-fifths under 40 years old and more than half between 20 and 40.
• The number of white males exceeds females significantly after the age of 20, with males outnumbering females nearly three to one.

Places of Birth for White Population

Below is a detailed breakdown of where the white inhabitants were born:

Birthplace	Number
United States	228
California	38
England	22
Germany	27
Scotland	14
Ireland	14
France	3
Other (various)	29

Note: Of the individuals born in California, eight were children of emigrant parents.

Literacy Levels

The literacy rates of the population were as follows:

Literacy Category	Number
Can read and write	273
Can read, but not write	13
Cannot read or write	89

The limited number of those who cannot read or write is largely due to the high number of children under ten years of age and the lack of educational infrastructure (only one teacher and no proper school building).

Occupations of White Males

The following is a summary of the various professions and occupations held by the white male population:

Occupation	Number
Carpenters	26
Laborers	20
Merchants	11
Agriculturists	11
Clerks	13
Bakers	7
Butchers	7
Blacksmiths	6
Printers	6
Other	57

White males were mainly involved in manual labor, craftsmanship, and business.

Indigenous, Sandwich Islanders, and Negro Population

• Indigenous people, Sandwich Islanders, and Negroes made up almost one-fifth of the total population.
• Many Indigenous people worked as servants, porters, or were involved in making sun-dried bricks (adobes).
• The Sandwich Islanders often worked as boatmen and were instrumental in navigating the Bay.
• A few individuals in these groups were literate, reflecting limited access to education.

Buildings and Infrastructure

As of April 1, 1847, San Francisco had 79 buildings:

• Shanties: 22
• Frame buildings: 31
• Adobe buildings: 26

Since April, an additional 78 buildings have been built or are under construction, which includes 20 shanties, 47 frame buildings, and 11 adobe buildings.

Businesses and Shops

The businesses established in San Francisco included:

Type of Business	Number
Stores	8
Groceries	7
Bakeries	3
Hotels	2
Carpenter's shops	2
Blacksmith shops	2
Printing offices	2
Other	10

**Key Phrases:**

1. **'Gold Rush and Urban Transformation'** - For further reading on the impact of the Gold Rush on California and urban development, see the article on 'The Impact of the California Gold Rush' from [California State Library](https://www.library.ca.gov/Resources/Online/CaliforniaGoldRush/).

2. **'Geographical Context: A Strategic Advantage'** - To explore how geographical features influence urban planning, refer to the study on 'Geography and Urban Planning' from [American Planning Association](https://www.planning.org/publications/document/9233504/).

3. **'Urban Planning and Development'** - For more details on historical urban planning practices and their implications, check out 'The New Urbanism: Toward an Architecture of Community' from [The Urban Land Institute](https://www.uli.org/research-and-publications/research-reports/new-urbanism-toward-an-architecture-of-community/).

4. **'Demographic Composition: A Tapestry of Cultures'** - To understand the implications of demographic diversity in urban settings, refer to 'Cultural Diversity and Urban Planning' from [The World Bank](https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2018/12/24/cultural-diversity-in-urban-planning).

5. **'Economic Landscape: The Spirit of Entrepreneurship'** - For insights into entrepreneurship during urban growth periods, see 'The Role of Small Business in Urban Economies' from [Institute for Local Government](https://www.ca-ilg.org/post/role-small-businesses-urban-economies).

6. **'Education and Literacy: Laying the Groundwork for Growth'** - To study the connection between education and economic outcomes, refer to 'The Relationship between Education and Income' from [The National Center for Education Statistics](https://nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/indicator_cge.asp).

7. **'Societal Challenges: The Shadows of Progress'** - For research on historical and contemporary social challenges in urban areas, see the report 'Social Equity in Urban Planning' by [The Urban Institute](https://www.urban.org/research/publication/social-equity-and-urban-development).

8. **'Conclusion: A Vision of Potential'** - For discussions on the future outlook of urban centers like San Francisco, see 'Future Cities: Adaptation and Resilience in Urban Development' from [OECD](https://www.oecd.org/urban/futurecities.htm).

**Citation**: The Californian
- The statistics given below are, 1847-09-04
https://cdnc.ucr.edu/ University of California Riverside Digital Newspaper Archive

Original Article:

copied from the California Star of last week, with the exception of some additions and corrections by the author. The town of San Francisco, (Yerba Buena,) is situated on the west side of the great Bay of the same name, and on the northern point of the Peninsula which lies between the southern portion of the Bay and the Pacific Ocean. It is about four miles from the narrows or straits by which you enter the Bay from the sea. The immediate site of the present town is an indentation or cove in the western shore of the Bay, directly in front of which, and at the distance of about two miles, lies a large island called Yerba Buena Island. From the water's edge the land rises gradually for more than half a mile to the west, and southwest, until it terminates in a range of hills of five hundred feet in height at the back of the town. To the north of the town is an immense bluff, (or rather, three in one,) more than five hundred feet high, which comes down to the water's edge with precipitous sides of from twenty to one hundred feet in height. In front of this bluff is the best anchorage ground, the bottom being good and the high land protecting shipping from the full blast of the westerly winds which prevail so constantly during the summer season. Between this bluff and the hills above mentioned there is a small and nearly level valley which connects with a smaller cove about a mile nearer the ocean. The bluff forms the northwestern boundary of the cove, and the eastern boundary is another bluff called the Rincon, but of only about fifty feet in height. To the south and southwest of this last mentioned point, there is a succession of low sand hills covered with a dense growth of shrubby trees peculiar to the country. The town plot as recently laid out and surveyed by Mr. Jasper O'Farrell, fronts upon the cove, taking in the high bluff before mentioned and the Rincon, and extending about three-quarters of a mile from north to south, and two miles from east to west, thus embracing about one and a half square miles. From the water the streets run to the top of the range of hills in the rear of the town, and these streets are crossed at right angles by others running parallel to the water. The squares thus formed are divided into lots of three different sizes, viz: 1st. Beach and water lots. The lots comprised in this designation are those situated between high and low water mark. They are sixteen and a half varas* in width of front, and fifty varas deep. These lots were surveyed and offered for sale at public auction by order of Gen. Kearny when he was governor of the Territory. There are about four hundred and fifty of them, of which about two hundred were disposed of at the sale in July. They brought prices ranging from fifty dollars to six hundred dollars. One quarter of the purchase money was required to be paid at the time of sale, a second quarter in six months thereafter, a third quarter in six months more, and the fourth and last in six months more —the unpaid balance bearing ten per cent interest from the date of the sale. About four-fifths of these lots are entirely under water at flood tide, and will therefore require much improvement before they can yield a revenue to the holders; still, they are beyond question, the most valuable property in the town. 2d. Fifty vara lots. The principal part of the town is laid out in lots of this class. They are of fifty varas depth and front, and six of them make a square. There are now surveyed about seven hundred of this description, of which number four hundred, or perhaps four hundred and fifty, have been sold. These lots are sold at private sale by the Alcalde at a fixed price for each. The price established by law is $12 for the lot, to which is to be added the office fees for deed and recording, $3.62 1-2, making in all $15.62 1-2. The conditions of sale are, that the purchaser shall fence the lot and build a house upon it within one year from the day of purchase. If he fail to do this, the lot and improvements revert to the town. 3d. One hundred vara lots. The eastern portion of the town is laid out in lots one hundred varas square. This is the largest class, and embraces that part of the town plot which will probably be the last to be improved by purchasers. There are about one hundred and thirty lots of this size, and probably sixty of these are still unsold. These are also disposed of by the Alcalde at private sale, at $25 per lot. The cost of deed and recording is $3.62 1-2, making the whole cost of one of these lots $28.62 1-2. The conditions of sale are the same as for the fifty vara lots. The sales of both classes are only for cash at the time of purchase. The proceeds of the sales of all these lots go into the town treasury, to assist in defraying the necessary municipal expenses. Thus far they have been found more than sufficient for this purpose ; and these receipts will probably preclude the necessity for taxation for a short time to come. The streets in the oldest part of the town are only about sixty feet in width. Those in the more recent surveys are seventy-five and eighty, with one broad Avenue one hundred and ten feet wide. It is a source of regret that any street should have been less than eghty [eighty] feet in width. There was originally a municipal regulation under which the fifty and hundred vara lots were sold, which prohibited any man from purchasing more than one lot. Notwithstanding the object of this regulation was clearly manifest, some few speculators managed, by buying in other men's names, to get quite a number of lots each into their possession, with the avowed intention of holding them at such prices as would enable them to reap a fortune. Such proceedings are certainly detrimental to the interests of the community, however much they may advance individuals, and it is deeply to be regretted that the provisions of so wise and beneficent a regulation should thus be defeated. Since the greater portion of the centrally located lots in the plot have been sold, this regulation has been annulled by the Alcalde and town council. It is certainly a matter of doubt whether such a proceeding will have a beneficial tendency. In connection with the preceding remarks permit me to lay before your readers some statistics relative to the ——— *A vara is a Spanish yard; i. e. about 33 1-3 inches English measure. ———number and character of the population who compose the now village, but eventual city, of San Francisco. They were collected in the latter part of June, 1847, during short intervals of leisure from public duties, but from various and unavoidable causes their classification and publication has been delayed until the present time. The following Table shows the total number of inhabitants, the sex and age of the whites, and the sex of the Indians, Sandwich Islanders and Negroes, viz: [see table at bottom of article] || ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ Whites. ▫︎ | Males. | Females. | Total. || Under 5 y'rs. of age, ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ | 28 | 23 | 51 || Over 5 y'rs of age, & under 10, | 18 | 14 | 32 || ▫︎ " 10 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 15, | 10 | 14 | 24 || ▫︎ " 15 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 20, | 11 | 11 | 22 || ▫︎ " 20 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 25, | 29 | 15 | 44 || ▫︎ " 25 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 30, | 54 | 19 | 73 || ▫︎ " 30 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 40, | 61 | 19 | 80 || ▫︎ " 40 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 50, | 20 | 10 | 30 || ▫︎ " 50 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 60, | 12 | 3 | 15 || ▫︎ " 60 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 70, | 2 | ▫︎ ▫︎ | 2 || ▫︎ " 70 '' ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' ▫︎ '' 80, | 2 | ▫︎ ▫︎ | 2 || ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ Total whites, ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ | 247 | 128 | 375 || Indians, (of different ages,) ▫︎ | 26 | 8 | 34 || S. Islanders, (of different ages,) | 39 | 1 | 40 || Negroes, (of different ages,) ▫︎ | ▫︎ 9 | ▫︎ 1 | 10 || ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ Total, ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ ▫︎ | 321 | 138 | 459 || I have no very satisfactory means of judging of the increase of population within the year last past, but the facts I possess render it certain that the increase has been at least one hundred per cent. Of course, the whole of this increase was by emigration. To form a correct idea of the energy, enterprise and capability of the white inhabitants, the reader should not fail to note that thirteen-fifteenths, or more than four-fifths, of the white population are less than forty years of age, and more than one half are between the ages of twenty and forty. It will also be perceived by a glance at the table that the number of white males and females are nearly the same under the age of twenty, whilst above that age the males are nearly as three to one. To give a clearer view of the composition of the white population, the succeeding statement of the places of birth is given, viz: Born in Canada, 5 || Born in New Zeland 1 || " " California, 38 || " " Peru, 1 || " " other Mex'n dept's 2 || " " Poland, 1 || " " Chili, 2 || " " Russia, 1 || " " Denmark, 1 || " " S. Islands, 1 || " " England, 22 || " " Scotland, 14 || " " France, 3 || " " Sweden, 1 || " " Germany, 27 || " " Switzerland, 6 || " " Ireland, 14 || " " United States, 228 || " " Malta, 1 || " " West Indies, 1 || " " New Holland, 1 || " " at Sea, 4 || Of the number stated above as born in California, eight are children of emigrant parents. The others are Californians proper, and they, with two others born in other Departments of Mexico, (in all thirty-two,) constitute the entire Mexican population. Of the whole number, (a fact that will at once strike the reader,) three-fifths are from the United States. Not only is this true, but probably at least another fifth, including Scotch, Irish, and German emigrants, have reached this country after residing for a time in the United States. The educational memoranda which have been collected give these results, viz: No. who can read and write, 273 || No. who can read, but not write, 13 || No. who cannot read or write, 89 || From this it appears that the number who cannot read or write bears a very near relation to the number of inhabitants under ten years of age. A fact not to be wondered at when we reflect that there is but one school teacher in the place, and that the town has as yet failed to erect a building suitable for the purposes of education. The occupations or professions of the white males are as follows: Ministers, 1 || Gunsmiths, 2 || Doctors, 3 || Hotel keepers, 3 || Lawyers, 3 || Laborers, 20 || Surveyors, 2 || Masons, 4 || School Teachers, 1 || Merchants, 11 || Agriculturists, 11 || Miners, 1 || Bakers, 7 || Morocco case makers, 1 || Blacksmiths, 6 || Navigators, (inland,) 6 || Brewers, 1 || Navigators, (ocean,) 1 || Brickmakers, 6 || Painters, 1 || Butchers; 7 || Printers, 6 || Cabinet makers, 2 || Saddlers, 1 || Carpenters, 26 || Shoemakers, 4 || Cigar makers, 1 || Silversmiths, 1 || Clerks, 13 || Tailors, 4 || Coopers, 3 || Tanners, 2 || Gardeners, 1 || Watchmakers, 1 || Grocers, 5 || Weavers, 1 || The Indians, Sandwich Islanders, and Negroes, who compose nearly one-fifth of the whole population of the town, are mostly employed as servants and porters. Some of the Indians are very expert in the manufacture of sun dried bricks, (abobes) and in the erection of houses from them. The Sandwich Islanders are mostly employed as boatmen in navigating the Bay, and they are said to be very serviceable in the business. Some few of the Sandwich Islanders read, and two or three can both read and write their own language. Occasionally there will an Indian be found who had been learned during the existence of the Missions to read, but such instances are rare. They are, for the most part, an idle, intemperate race, laboring only to procure the means for gratifying their passion for rum and monte. Some of the Indians are considered by persons having them as their property, and I am told, though I have never known of such a case, that there have instances of the sale and transfer of them from one person to another. As there is no necessity for such institution as slavery in this country, and as most of the emigrants who come here, are educated to respect every human being's rights, there can be no doubt that such practices, if they ever did exist, will soon become obsolite. The few Negroes who reside here are from the United States, and are as intelligent as is usual among the free Negroes of the North. An attempt was made in collecting the foregoing information to ascertain the amount of capital invested in the various pursuits and occupations. The results obtained were so meagre that it is not deemed of importance to lay them before the public. The truth is, the most of the capital possessed by the great majority of the inhabitants has been employed in purchasing lots and improving them by the erection of fences and buildings. There is, though, a large amount of money employed in mercantile pursuits, and many small sums in other occupations. That the public may be enabled to form some conclusions on this subject, the following statement of the number of offices and places of business is submitted, viz: Apothecary shops, 1 || Gunsmith's shops, 1 || Bakeries, 3 || Hotels, 2 || Blacksmith shops, 2 || Mills, (horse power,) 1 || Butcher shops, 3 || Mills, (wind,) 1 || Cabinet maker's shops 1 || Printing Offices, 2 || Carpenter's shops, 2 || Shoemaker's shops, 1 || Cigar maker's shops, 1 || Stores, 8 || Cooper shops, 2 || Tailor shops, 2 || Groceries, 7 || Watchmaker's shops, 1 || Previous to the first of April, 1847, there had been erected in the town seventy-nine buildings. Nearly all of them were built within tho two years immediately previous to that date. Their description is as follows, viz: Shanties, 22 || Frame buildings, 31 || Adobe buildings, 26 || —— 79 || Since the first of April and up to the present date (August 31, 1847,) there have been built (or are in process of erection) seventy-eight buildings, as follows, viz: Shanties, 20 || Frame buildings, 47 || Adobe buildings, 11 || —— 78 || Many of these structures are indeed but poor affairs, yet they constitute an important item when taken as an index of the enterprise and improvement which the town exhibits. It appears by a comparison of the above two statements that there have been erected within the five months last past as many buildings as were erected in all the years previous to that date. There can be no better evidence of the rapid improvement of the place than this single fact; and I doubt if the annuls of any town can show the astounding increase of one hundred per cent in buildings in the short space of five months! In conclusion, I cannot suppress a desire to say that San Francisco is destined to become the great commercial emporium of the north Pacific coast. With the advantages of so fine a harbor, and the enterprise of so hardy and intelligent a race of pioneers, it can scarcely be otherwise. Notwithstanding these conclusions are so obvious, I have heard it asserted that Monterey is destined to outstrip it. That Monterey can never surpass San Francisco, I think the following view will clearly establish; 1. San Francisco has a safer and more commodious harbor than Monterey. 2. The waters of the Bay afford an easy method of communication and a facile means of transportation between the town and the hundred lateral valleys which surround the Bay, and which are destined soon to become granaries and hives of plenty. 3. It also has a ready means of communication by water with the rich and large valleys of the San Joaquin, the Sacramento, and the American Fork, as all of these rivers are tributaries to the Bay. So far as my information goes, Monterey, although it has a fine country at its back, has none of the facilities for reaching and transporting the products of that country which San Francisco possesses in regard to the country which surrounds it. This, it seems to me, allowing all other things to be equal, would give to San Francisco an insuperable advantage. But it is urged that there are situations upon this Bay which afford better advantages for the building of a great city than the site of San Francisco. Santa Clara, a place situated at the southern extremity of the Bay, and some sixty miles from the Ocean, is named as one of them. I cannot believe it necessary to enter into any serious argument to prove the falsity of such an idea. So far from Santa Clara becoming the rival of San Francisco, it will be one of its tributaries, and the beautiful and prolific valley in which it is situated will yield us annual tribute of the richest products of the earth. Great efforts are being made to establish a settlement at the straits of Carquinez, on the north side of the Bay, and some thirty miles from San Francisco. I have even heard it given out that that position will rival this town. I have no doubt, though I judge entirely from what I have heard said, that there will eventually be a town there of considerable size and importance; but the supposition that San Francisco will suffer from competition with Benicia City is absurd and preposterous. It is undoubtedly true, as contended, that ships of a large class can go up the Bay as far as that place, or even farther ; but that, of course, is no reason that they will go there. On the contrary, if the wants of commerce are supplied, (as they will be,) by San Francisco, within four or five miles of the Ocean, to what purpose should ships go thirty or sixty miles into the Bay? This article would be incomplete if I failed to mention the fact that there are two weekly newspapers printed in this place. They are called "The California Star," and "The Californian," and though of small size they are deserving of the support and confidence of the community. They are both printed in English with an occasional article and advertisement in Spanish. The "Star" was originally begun here, and has now reached its thirty-fourth number. The "Californian" was published at Monterey for more than thirty weeks, when it was discontinued and removed to this place. On its reappearance here it was enlarged and its typographical appearance much improved. It has now reached the fifteenth number of the second series, and has the honor of being the first paper ever published in California. The "Star" is published by Samuel Brannan, Esq., formerly a publisher of some note in the city of New-York. The "Californian" was first published by Robert Semple; Esq., but since its removal to this place it has been purchased, and is now published, by B. R. Buckelew, Esq. It is proper to remak [remark], to prevent misunderstanding, that the preceding census does not include the officers or soldiers of the detachment of the Seventh Regiment of New-York Volunteers stationed here. I intended to make some remarks relative to the climate and general health of the place, before closing this communication, but it has already reached so great a length that I will not trespass longer on the patience of printer or reader. Besides this, the facts which I possess, embrace only some five months, and are therefore so incomplete that correct and satisfactory conclusions can scarcely be drawn from them. E. G.